Al-Mada quoted unnamed “sources” (perhaps the same sources that had informed the paper about events in Hit and Ramadi in the last weeks) who told the newspaper that al-Qa'ida is “in its death throes” in Falluja. Falluja is seen by Iraqis and Americans alike as a bastion of opposition to the US occupation and the pro-American Iraqi government. Eliminating al-Qa'ida from the city, or even significantly weakening it, would be seen as a major step in depriving al-Qa'ida from its safe havens in Iraq.
Al-Qa'ida is resorting to harsher tactics as its popularity plummets in Anbar, claimed al-Mada. Among those new methods is the liquidation of ex-supporters who have left the organization, and different forms of collective punishment against communities that ally themselves with al-Qa'ida’s enemies.
As expected, al-Mada heralded Maliki’s visit to Ramadi, Anbar’s capital, yesterday as a sign of the faltering of al-Qa'ida. The newspaper said that the visit was “the last nail in al-Qa'ida’s coffin.”
Al-Hayat, on the other hand, had a different angle on the events in Al-Anbar. Al-Hayat’s excellent reporter in Baghdad, Mushriq 'Abbas, argued that the latest moves of the Iraqi government have as much to do with Maliki’s tenuous position at the helm of the state as they have to do with pure security concerns.
Al-Maliki, 'Abbas claimed, is attempting to garner the approval of Sunni Arab tribes in central and western Iraq in order to position himself as a “national”, “non-sectarian” leader; in addition to the “strong man” image that Maliki has been trying to project in the last months.
Al-Maliki’s government will be faced by major challenges, 'Abbas continued, not the least of them being the new “trans-sectarian” front that Iyad 'Allawi has been leading and consolidating as a counter-balance to Maliki’s Shi'a bloc, which is already showing signs of discord and divisions. 'Allawi is promoting the idea of a “national salvation” government to replace al-Maliki’s. According to al-Hayat, 'Allawi’s proposed government would hold extraordinary powers in order to impose order. If the Fadhila and other smaller parties join 'allawi’s bloc, as many observers expect, 'allawi’s front would gather over 120 deputies, a significant counter-weight to Al-Maliki’s 130 seats.
In that context, al-Maliki is aware of the maneuvers directed against him, and is trying to present himself as a “strong man” (which became a key term in Iraqi politics as of late) “who realizes security on the ground, tours the streets of Baghdad and facilitates the return of displaced families, and allies himself with al-Qa'ida’s enemies,” al-Hayat said.
Al-Maliki’s plans, however, especially his alliances with anti-Qa'ida tribes in Anbar, may face some difficulties. Al-Hayat noted that Sunni pro-government figures are not on good terms with the Anbari tribes, and the same goes for the – Sunni -- Association of Muslim Scholars, which referred to the pro-Maliki tribal confederation as “a group of bandits”.
Meanwhile, Az-Zaman gave little coverage to the developments in Anbar and devoted its front-page to the news of the relocation of the remains of Saddam’s sons -- 'Uday and Qusay – to their family’s burial ground near Tikrit, where Saddam was buried. Az-Zaman interviewed relatives of Saddam who became the care-takers of Saddam’s burial site.
Ghalib Saddam Husain, interviewed by Az-Zaman said that the grave received daily visits from “all parts of Iraq.” Family members also denied rumors to the effect that they are planning to build a museum to commemorate Saddam’s life. Munaf Saddam Husain said that Saddam did not leave an inheritance large enough to fund such a project.
